To the heads of the belligerent peoples.
From the beginning of our Pontificate, amidst the horrors of the
terrible war unleashed upon Europe, We have kept before Our attention
three things above all: to preserve complete impartiality in relation to
all the belligerents, as is appropriate to him who is the common father
and who loves all his children with an equal affection; to endeavour
constantly to do to all the most possible good, without personal
exceptions and without national or religious distinctions, a duty which
the universal law of charity, as well as the supreme spiritual charge entrusted to Us by Christ, dictates to Us;
finally, as Our peace-making mission equally demands, to leave nothing
undone within Our power, which could assist in hastening the end of this
calamity, by trying to lead the peoples and their heads to more
moderate frames of mind and to the calm deliberations of peace, of a
"just and lasting" peace.
Whoever has followed Our work during the three unhappy years which have
just elapsed, has been able to recognize with ease that if We have
always remained faithful to Our resolution of absolute impartiality and
to Our practical policy of welldoing, We have never ceased to urge the
belligerent peoples and Governments to become brothers once more, even
although publicity has not been given to all which We have done to
attain this most noble end.
Towards the end of the first year of war, We addressed to the
conflicting nations the most lively exhortations, and in addition We
indicated the way to follow in order to arrive at a lasting and
honourable peace for all. Unhappily, Our appeal was not heeded; and the
war continued bitterly for two more years, with all its horrors; it even
became more cruel and spread over land and sea, even in the air;
desolation and death were seen to fall upon defenceless cities, peaceful
villages and their innocent populations. And at the present moment no
one can imagine how the sufferings of all may increase and become more
intense, if further months or, still worse, further years are added to
these bloodstained three years. Will the civilized world then become
nothing but a field of death? And will Europe, so glorious and so
flourishing before, rush, as if driven on by a universal folly, to the
abyss and be the agent of her own suicide?
In so agonizing a situation, in face of so great a danger, We who have
no special political aim, who pay no attention to the suggestions of the
interests of either of the belligerent groups, but are moved only by
the feeling of our lofty duty as common Father of the faithful and by
the solicitations of our children who beg for our intervention and Our
peace-making word, We raise anew a cry for peace and We renew an urgent
appeal to those who hold in their hands the destinies of nations. But so
as not to confine Ourselves any longer to general terms, as
circumstances have advised us in the past, we now wish to descend to
more concrete and practical propositions, and to invite the Governments
of the belligerent peoples to reach agreement on the following points,
which seem to be the basis of a just and lasting peace, leaving to them
the task of making them more precise and of completing them.
First of all, the fundamental point should be that for the material
force of arms should be substituted the moral force of law; hence a
just agreement by all for the simultaneous and reciprocal reduction of
armaments, according to rules and guarantees to be established to the
degree necessary and sufficient for the maintenance of public order in
each State; then, instead of armies, the institution of arbitration,
with its lofty peace-making function, according to the standards to be
agreed upon and with sanctions to be decided against the State which
might refuse to submit international questions to arbitration or to
accept its decisions.
Once the supremacy of law has been established, let every obstacle to
the ways of communication between the peoples be removed, by ensuring
through rules to be fixed in similar fashion, the true freedom and
common use of the seas. This would, on the one hand, remove many reasons
for conflict and, on the other, would open new sources of prosperity
and progress to all.
With regard to reparations for damage and to the expenses of the war, We
see no way of settling the question other than by laying down as a
general principle, a complete and reciprocal condonation, justified by
the immense benefits to be drawn from disarmament, and all the more
because one could not understand the continuation of such slaughter
solely for reasons of an economic nature. If, however, in certain cases
there exist special reasons, let them be pondered with justice and
equity.
But pacifying agreements, with the immense advantages flowing from them,
are not possible without the reciprocal restitution of territories
actually occupied. In consequence, on the part of Germany, there should
be total evacuation of Belgium, with a guarantee of its full political,
military and economic independence vis-à-vis any Power whatsoever;
similarly the evacuation of French territory. On the side of the other
belligerent parties, there should be a corresponding restitution of the
German colonies.
With regard to territorial questions, such as those disputed between
Italy and Austria, and between Germany and France, there is ground for
hope that in consideration of the immense advantages of a lasting peace
with disarmament, the conflicting parties will examine them in a
conciliatory frame of mind, taking into account, so far as it is just
and practicable, as We have said previously, the aspirations of the
peoples and co-ordinating, according to circumstances, particular
interests with the general good of the great human society.
The same spirit of equity and justice should direct the examination of
other territorial and political questions, notably those relating to
Armenia, the Balkan States and the territories composing the ancient
Kingdom of Poland, for which especially its noble historical traditions
and the sufferings which it has undergone, particularly during
the present war, ought rightly to enlist the sympathies of the nations.
Such are the principal foundations upon which We believe the future
reorganization of peoples should rest. They are of a kind which would
make impossible the recurrence of such conflicts and would pave the way
for a solution of the economic question, so important for the future and
the material welfare of all the belligerent States. Thus, in presenting
them all to You who preside at this tragic hour over the destinies of
the belligerent nations, We are animated by a sweet hope, that of seeing
them accepted and thus of seeing the earliest possible end to the
fearful struggle which has the ever-increasing appearance of a useless
massacre. Everybody recognizes, furthermore, that on both sides the
honour of arms has been satisfied. Give attention, then, to Our
entreaty, accept the paternal invitation which We address to You in the
name of the Divine Redeemer, Prince of Peace. Reflect on your very grave
responsibility before God and before men; on your decisions depend the
rest and joy of countless families, the life of thousands of young
people, in short, the happiness of the peoples, whose wellbeing it is
your overriding duty to procure. May the Lord inspire you with decisions
agreeable to His Most Holy Will. May Heaven bring it about that, by
earning the applause of your contemporaries, You will also gain for
yourselves the beautiful name of peacemakers among future generations.
As for Us, closely united in prayer and penitence to all faithful souls
who sigh for peace, We implore for You from the Divine Spirit light and
counsel.
From the Vatican, August 1, 1917 Benedictus, PP. XV
